Institute of Archaeology, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, South China Agricultural University, Guangzhou, PR CHINA (Agricultural Archaeology 1998(1):188-192; transl. by Li Lin, ed. by B. Gordon)
Generally, research on ancient agricultural civilization accompanies research on the environment. In fact, agriculture and natural conditions are inseparable. In particular, crop choice is restricted greatly by climate and environment.
Not only is primitive agriculture tied to the environment, but the latter provides conditions for agricultural growth. Growth involves human influence for greater productivity, but agriculture is also partly transformed by the environment. As agriculture grew under lengthy human habitation, people engaged in many activities, more than half related to planting food crops. Only then was stable village growth safeguarded.
When modern man confronts nature, he basically chooses crops as uninfluenced by region and climate as possible. He transforms nature, simultaneously altering both agriculture and environment. Even 5000 year-old society increased its ability to transform nature, but could not overcome it because it and environment are interlinked. Thus, all known agricultural sites in the north Yellow and south Yangtze basins have obvious regional traits showing their indigenous specialties; the earlier the more obvious. From Peiligang and Cishan cultures in Yellow basin to Hemudu culture in Yangtze basin, we see different agricultural systems between north and south since early times.
After several millennia, crop choice became unrestricted by nature, but the traditional Chinese concept of northern millet and southern rice did not change. With archaeological emergence, researchers focussed on the Yellow and Yangtze basins, cradles of culture, immersing themselves in exploration and research on each aspect.
Doubtless, archaeological growth in both basins was extremely remarkable, esp. agricultural, which has seen significant breakthroughs in clarifying early traits in the arid north loess and moist south. But, when we studied both basins, we neglected early agricultural conditions in the border area of north and south Yellow and Huai Rivers. After the late 1970’s archaeological research became widespread.
Generally, the north Huai includes south Yellow River, but as the Huai mainly flows through Anhui province, sometimes it is called north Wan. In fact, it includes north Anhui, SW Shandong, NW Jiangsu, as well as part of east Henan. Geographically, it is the transition between north Huai Plain and Jianghuai Upland, at one time part of an alluvial plain formed by Yellow and Huai River sediments. It not only has unique geographical traits, but its water resources are very rich. The many tributaries on the north Huai like the Wo, Xifei, Ying, Beifei, Hui, Tuo, etc., join it from NW to SE.
As the Huai is a main geographical N-S boundary, it has both warm temperate and semi-moist monsoon climate. Therefore, its four seasons are distinct, with regional traits of warmth, sunlight and abundant rain. (p.188)
As archaeological fieldwork was late here, we lack detailed understanding of the 5000 year growth of agriculture. From an origin and growth aspect, we had no alternative but to say north Huai was a blank.
We found its intrinsic archaeological value only after the late 1970’s, when widespread large scale excavations occurred.
To research ancient north Huai civilization, the Institute of Archaeology, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, created an Anhui work team in 1978. It excavated ancient sites in the border area of Jiangsu, Shandong, Henan and Anhui provinces, with major archievements. To fill the archaeological sequence, they also excavated early sites.
After excavating Xiao Shankou and Gu Taisi Buddhist temple sites in Su County in the early 1990’s (1), we initially found Early Neolithic settlements, plus some sites in Xi Shi Shanzi (2). As they are 7000 years-old, we confirm agriculture originated in north Huai at that time.
While early agricultural traits were obscured by an unstable environment, they are in the Weichi Buddhist temple excavation in Mengcheng, Anhui, which became the typesite after wide investigation (3), bringing unprecedented progress for studying ancient regional agriculture.
The Weichi Buddhist temple site is in Biji village, Xuting town, Mengcheng County, Anhui Province. Found under a general survey by the County Cultural Relics Administration Center in the mid-1970’s, the Anhui work team returned in fall, 1989, finding a huge area of very well preserved remains. Surface and cliff artifacts represent Dawenkou and Longshan cultures, plus some local traits different from contemporaneous neighbouring cultures.
1989-1995 excavations over nine quarters exposed 7000 sq. m with extremely rich agricultural data. It is in north Huai where early agriculture was clarified.
Village agricultural stabilization caused new growth. The rows of rooms in the Weichi Buddhist temple site are an important Dawenkou cultural trait, with >40 rooms exposed. Based on present data, this trait remains, though site excavation is incomplete.
House construction of oxidized red earth and wood, bone and clay walls is alike, with complex posthole excavation, column construction, wattle-and-daub, baked clay, etc. While house arrangement is orderly by row and group, juxtaposition, matching, squaring and single line arrangement also occur. A wide ditch around the settlement defines it, a symbol of unity representing growth, finality, precision and independence in this most completely known Chinese Neolithic settlement.
The Weichi Buddhist temple site typifies the important significance of early north Anhui agriculture. Previous fieldwork noted it was not alone; e.g., the houses, wide surrounding ditch and interior facilities certainly could not have been finished quickly by a few people, but by a force at the rallying point of a central settlement. As it represents a strong cohesive force of regional settlement with unanswered questions, we investigated many small dense important settlements 10-20 km away in 1995 (4), their discovery tallying with our prediction. (p.189)
The central settlement is defined as the first level from its 100,000 sq. m size. >10 surrounding sites include Anlang Buddhist Temple, Wu Zuzhong and Huangang Buddhist Temple, all ca. 30,000 sq. m and defined as second level. Other <20,000 sq. m sites of Liu Gudui, Ci Gangzi and Rui Jigu are third level settlements.
Although untested, large constructions exist in second and third level settlements, with data suggesting they resemble the Weichi Buddhist temple site; e.g., testing Anlang Buddhist temple site revealed much red oxidized soil under a cultural level, representing collapsed houses. The Liu Gudui site not only has construction, but a circular ditch like Weichi Buddhist temple. Although smaller, people lived here for a long time.
We now know a complex settlement existed in north Anhui 5000 years ago, slowly differentiating as each inhabitant became relatively independent in a close unit; i.e., self-sufficient. Architecturally, the rows of rooms are grouped but independent, not only indicating construction technology then, but representing families as economic units. Economic growth stabilized the living environment.
The north Anhui Dawenkou culture was Late Neolithic, when the agricultural part of the economy grew with new tools, leading to settlement stability and growth reflecting a bond between people and nature with its own economic character.
On one hand, settlement size was restricted by environment; on the other it relates to productivity. Large settlements show people were familiar with nature, and based on the local ecology, organized members to practice agriculture.
History of agricultural growth is also a history of progress, each period with its own people and traits, exemplifying the relationship between people and environment.
It is extremely important to know what crops were planted at specific times and places in sites. As earlier research often determined crops by their tools, rather than direct evidence, we had to admit conclusions were indirect assumptions. So it is very important to compare evidence in large agricultural sites with more data.
As only rare crop remains can be observed directly, it is encouraging that modern research has different methods useful in archaeology to (p.190) understand ancient agricultural conditions, and add new research. As crops are some of the most direct evidence in analyzing agricultural economy, data found in Weichi Buddhist temple site is comprehensive. Signs show similar north Anhui agricultural conditions from Late Dawenkou to Longshan cultures; e.g., simultaneous planting of two staple crops.
As the oxidized red soil under collapsed houses has visible paddy husk traces, we sampled different cultural levels, repeating the same thing for each 15 cm under these levels, then analyzed all for rice phytoliths. Statistically, we found many phytoliths in 2g soil samples from Early, Middle and Late Dawenkou levels. As no large differences occur between them and modern rice, they should be cultivated paddy rice (5).
Scanning samples by electron microscope, we found not only very high proportions of rice husks, but also irregular fan-shaped and dumbbell-shaped phytoliths from paddy rice leaves.
From the analysis above, we know paddy planting was widespread in north Huai 5000 years ago, with this field system adapted to a tropical warm moist monsoon climate. As the proportion of rice husk phytoliths rose from Dawenkou to Longshan cultures, the system improved with time. It also indicates paddy planting was common in north Anhui in 4000 year-old Longshan culture, its scale larger than before.
As paddy rice belongs to the grass family and likes water, its planting needs appropriate natural conditions and good soil conditions, resources found in north Anhui, which made a good foundation for paddy planting.
Dense carbonized millet fragments first occurred at the base of a house wall which, combined with those from ashpits, were identified by botanists.
Analysis confirmed very many rice chaff phytoliths in soil samples from each cultural level, all differing. Millet exceeds paddy rice in Dawenkou culture, unlike Longshan culture, meaning certain cultivation changes occured in the transition.
Local topography is flat and aqueous and remained so, but some climatic change occurred over a millennium. With frequent north-south cultural exchange, north millet agriculture gradually expanded south, while south paddy rice inevitably expanded north, affecting jointly the Yellow and Huai basins. Cultural exchange was a big factor based on agricultural conditions.
Change in productivity, cultural exchange and environment caused agricultural change. We can extrapolate environmental change based on different proportions of wild animals in Dawenkou and Longshan cultures; e.g., elk and roe deer decrease from early to late periods, while sika deer increase. (p.191) As wild animals need special ecotones, their decrease shows they could not adapt to ecological change, proving such change occurred. But change didn’t influence economic growth. On the contrary, agriculture intensified and settlement life stabilized with higher productivity,.
Weichi Buddhist temple site is ca. 100,000 sq. m, with 7,000 sq. m excavated to produce >400 stone and 300 bone and mussel shell tools.
Number and type of tools reflect growth, with adzes, axes and hatchets the most common stone tools. Mussel shells were made into knives, shovels and sickles, while bone was commonly used to make adzes, chisels and awls. The many tools of various material show increased productivity at that time. But it must be emphasized the above data came from only one-third of the site, and one can only imagine what would come from the entire site.
It is worth mentioning stone tools are common in agricultural sites in different areas, but finely made 1-2 holed hatchets are rare in north China. It is obviously a southern tradition that spread north.
Heavy growth in the textile industry are reflected in >200 spinning and weaving tools, including clay and stone spindle whorls of different shape and size. Without settled agriculture, the textile industry would have been impossible, but the latter also influenced agricultural growth. The latter accompanied widespread fishing and hunting, the number of bone and mussel arrowheads numerous. While these prove natural conditions were suitable for fishing and hunting, it was a primitive economy, while agriculture promoted economic prosperity and diversified settlement management.
North Anhui archaeology gives us new understanding of the ancient north-south border. There was very high growth in north Huai middle and late periods from blending of north-south civilizations, particularly agricultural settlements. Compared to ancient nearby cultures, settlement was superior. From it we know the close ties between 5000 year-old north Huai settlement life and agriculture, as well as their small fluctuations.
We believe north Huai has very huge potential in ancient agricultural research.
[1] Anhui work team, Institute of Archaeology, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (Excavation bulletin of Xiao Shangkou and Gu Taisi Sites in Su County, Anhui), Archaeology 1993 (12).
[2] Anhui Province Institute of Archaeology (Neolithic sites in Shi Shanzi, Juxi, Anhui), Archaeology 1992 (3).
[3] Anhui work team, Institute of Archaeology, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences: (Investigation of Neolithic sites in north Huai, Anhui), Archaeology 1993 (11).
[4] Anhui work team, Institute of Archaeology, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences: (Initial inspection of settlement sites of Late Dawenkou culture in north Anhui), Archaeology 1996 (9).
[5] Wang Zenglin: (Application of phytolith analysis in the Wei Chisi Buddist Temple site, Meng City, Anhui), Archaeology 1995 (l). (p.192)